Original ResearchThe Hispanic health paradox across generations: the relationship of child generational status and citizenship with health outcomes
Introduction
In spite of low socio-economic status and limited access to healthcare, Hispanic immigrants tend to have better health outcomes than their US-born and white counterparts.1 For example, Hispanics have the lowest prevalence of asthma in the United States when compared to other racial and ethnic groups.1 Possible explanations for this Hispanic health paradox include low levels of acculturation (including maintenance of specific cultural practices and strong family support systems), healthier lifestyles of immigrants (e.g. diet), selective migration, and genetic heritage.2, 3 Specific to respiratory health, the immigrant advantage may be due to general environmental and socio-economic conditions in the country of origin.4 For example, early life experiences in agricultural areas may protect against the development of asthma and allergies (the hygiene hypothesis).5
The Hispanic health paradox has been well-documented in terms of health advantages for foreign-born children and those living in the US for fewer years, but less often across immigrant generational cohorts, even though limited evidence suggests that protective effects can pass from one generation to the next.6 To our knowledge only one study has examined asthma and allergies across generational cohorts.7 This study found that US Hispanic children's unadjusted asthma and allergy prevalence increased across first, second and third generations; however, it was limited in that subsequent Hispanic generations were not compared to each other, but to third-plus generation non-Hispanic whites.7 This means the effect of Hispanic generational status on Hispanic respiratory health disparities was not assessed, which is our primary goal here. This dearth of research on asthma is a critical gap because nine percent of US children suffer from asthma8 and asthma is a health condition for which a Hispanic health paradox has been identified.4
Children's immigrant generational status has usually been conceptualized based on the child's and parents' nativity in a three-group generational framework.7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 This three-group framework is based on the classical immigrant assimilation model, which posits that immigrants gradually adopt the behaviors of the dominant cultural group over time, with linear increases in assimilation occurring progressively across successive generations.14 More recent models seek to account for alternative immigrant assimilation paths by expanding on the three-group framework. Some have separated out a 2.5 generation, which includes US-born children with one foreign-born and one US-born parent.15, 16 Others have refined the first generation by considering both nativity and citizenship.17, 18 While citizenship confers entitlement to federal healthcare assistance programs,2 how it translates into actual health advantages has rarely been investigated (see only19, 20).
In addition to underemphasizing citizenship, the literature lacks consideration of a fourth generation. i.e., those who are US-born with US-born parents and grandparents (see only21). The common practice of aggregating higher generational cohorts within a ‘third-plus’ generation may mask significant differences between later generational cohorts, especially among immigrant groups with substantial racial/ethnic minority composition that have not generally experienced linear assimilation paths across generations. This has led to a need for a more nuanced framework. Our six-group framework incorporates novel elements as well as facets of previous approaches by distinguishing a fourth generation from the third generation, the 2.5 generation from the second and third generations, and first generation non-citizens from first generation naturalized citizens.
The general aim of this study is to determine if a Hispanic immigrant respiratory health advantage exists across generations and, if so, for how many generations. Surprisingly few studies have examined generational differences in common childhood diseases beyond obesity and developmental delays,21, 22 despite the relevance for understanding the Hispanic health paradox. We contribute to the immigrant health disparities knowledge base by examining understudied respiratory health outcomes among children using a more nuanced immigrant generational cohort framework.
This study addresses three research questions using data from a population-based sample of fourth and fifth graders in the El Paso Independent School District (El Paso, Texas, USA): (1) What is the relationship between immigrant generational status and Hispanic children's health outcomes, adjusting for relevant covariates? (2) Into which generational status cohort does the healthy immigrant effect persist? (3) Is having citizenship associated with significantly better health outcomes among first generation children?
Section snippets
Participants and study area
Participants are primary caretakers of fourth and fifth graders attending school in the El Paso Independent School District (EPISD). A total of 6295 households, containing all fourth and fifth graders, were included in our sampling frame. We selected the 1568 Hispanic children whose caretakers responded to the survey for analysis.
EPISD is the largest school district in El Paso County (Texas), which is located on the US-Mexican border, and has an estimated population of 827,398 (2012). El Paso
Sample characteristics
Table 2 reports the descriptive statistics of the Hispanic sample (using the non-imputed data) in terms of health outcomes and the control variables. Parents reported that 8% had current asthma, 9% had bronchitis, and 50% had allergies.
Bivariate results
Table 2 also reports Chi-squared test for associations between generational cohorts and other variables. All variables are significantly different between cohorts with the exception of age and sex. Across generations, there is an increase in the prevalence of
Discussion
As compared to Hispanic children nationwide, El Paso children were more likely to have allergies (50% vs 8%), but they had similar rates of current asthma (8% vs 9%).8 The unusually high rates of allergies among El Paso children may relate to the urbanized, windswept desert environment of El Paso. A generational Hispanic health paradox was visible for asthma, bronchitis, and allergies with the prevalence of each illness increasing with each successive generation. This is consistent with other
Acknowledgements
We thank Bibi Mancera and Zuleika Ramirez at the Hispanic Health Disparities Center and the staff at the Campus Post Office for their assistance in carrying out the survey. The research participants are also gratefully recognized for taking the time to complete the survey. The work of student research assistants Anthony Jimenez, Marie Gaines, Stephanie Clark-Reyna, Paola Chavez-Payan, and Young-an Kim is gratefully recognized.
Ethical approval
The study was approved by the University of Texas at El Paso
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2021, Social Science and MedicineCitation Excerpt :Others have expanded on the three-group framework by disaggregating the second generation and separating out a 2.5 generation, which includes those children who are US born with one foreign-born parent and one US-born parent (Balcazar, Grineski, and Collins, 2015a, 2015b; Kao, 2009). Generational status measures are known correlates of health behaviors, health status, and access to care (Martin-Gutierrez et al., 2017; Balcazar, Grineski, and Collins, 2015a; Avila and Bramlett, 2013), as well as environmental health outcomes like respiratory conditions (Balcazar, Grineski, and Collins, 2015b; Philipneri et al., 2019). In addition to health, previous studies have documented changes in educational achievement (e.g., Feliciano and Lanzua, 2017) and earnings (e.g., Villarreal and Tamborini, 2018) over immigrant generations.
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2018, Social Science and MedicineCitation Excerpt :Although different definitions of acculturation are engaged throughout wide ranging research approaches, in this piece we apply acculturation defined as “the process by which individuals adopt the attitudes, values, customs, beliefs, and behaviors of another culture” (Abraido-Lanza et al., 2006, p. 1342). Acculturation, as well as Latino immigration trajectories, are of great interest because of their paradoxical effects on health: recent Latino immigrants to the U.S. demonstrate better health outcomes than non-Hispanic whites in the U.S., but the protective effects of immigration disappear in later generations (Balcazar et al., 2015). While researchers point to the association between greater acculturation and unhealthful behavior to explain the differing health outcomes between immigrant and non-immigrant Latinos, ethno/racial discrimination may also play a role (Abraído-Lanza et al., 2016).