Elsevier

Public Health

Volume 127, Issue 2, February 2013, Pages 153-163
Public Health

Original Research
What can ecological data tell us about reasons for divergence in health status between West Central Scotland and other regions of post-industrial Europe?

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.puhe.2012.11.007Get rights and content

Summary

Background

The link between the effects of de-industrialization (unemployment, poverty) and population health is well understood. Post-industrial decline has, therefore, been cited as an underlying cause of high mortality in Scotland's most de-industrialized region. However, previous research showed other comparably de-industrialized regions in Europe to have better and faster improving health (with, in many cases, a widening gap evident from the early to mid-1980s).

Objectives

To explore whether ecological data can provide insights into reasons behind the poorer, and more slowly improving, health status of West Central Scotland (WCS) compared with other European regions that have experienced similar histories of post-industrial decline. Specifically, this study asked: (1) could WCS's poorer health status be explained purely in terms of socio-economic factors (poverty, deprivation etc.)? and (2) could comparisons with other health determinant information identify important differences between WCS and other regions? These aims were explored alongside other research examining the historical, economic and political context in WCS compared with other de-industrialized regions.

Study design and methods

A range of ecological data, derived from surveys and routine administrative sources, were collected and analysed for WCS and 11 other post-industrial regions. Analyses were underpinned by the collection and analysis of more detailed data for four particular regions of interest. In addition, the project drew on accompanying literature-based research, analysing important contextual factors in de-industrialized regions, including histories of economic and welfare policies, and national and regional responses to de-industrialization.

Results

The poorer health status of WCS cannot be explained in terms of absolute measures of poverty and deprivation. However, compared with other post-industrial regions in Mainland Europe, the region is distinguished by having wider income inequalities and associated social characteristics (e.g. more single adults, lone parent households, higher rates of teenage pregnancy). Some of these distinguishing features are shared by other UK post-industrial regions which experienced the same economic history as WCS.

Conclusion

From the collection of data and supporting analyses of important contextual factors, one can argue that poor health in WCS can be attributed to three layers of causation: the effects of de-industrialization (which have impacted on health in all post-industrial regions); the impact of ‘neoliberal’ UK economic policies, resulting in wider inequalities in WCS and the other UK regions; and an as-yet-unexplained (but under investigation) set of factors that cause WCS to experience worse health outcomes than similar regions within the UK.

Introduction

Many post-industrial areas are characterized by adverse social, economic and health outcomes.1, 2, 3, 4 This is unsurprising: the links between loss of employment (industrial or otherwise), resulting poverty and pathways to poor health are well understood.5, 6 De-industrialization (and its associated facet of socio-economic deprivation) has, therefore, been highlighted as an underlying cause of the poor health profile of Scotland,7, 8, 9, 10 the nation with the lowest life expectancy in Western Europe.11 This argument is supported by the fact that West Central Scotland (WCS), the region of Scotland most profoundly affected by the process of de-industrialization, is also the region with the poorest health in the country.12, 13, 14

However, in recent years, a number of studies have brought into question the extent to which Scotland's – and particularly WCS's – poor health profile is attributable solely to de-industrialization and current levels of deprivation.15, 16, 17, 18 In particular, one study – while confirming that all post-industrial regions tend to have poorer health than other parts of their ‘parent’ countries – showed that, compared with the vast majority of other regions in Europe that had experienced comparable levels of de-industrialization, mortality in WCS was higher and improving more slowly (with a widening gap evident from the early to mid-1980s).19, 20 The aim of this follow-up study, therefore, was to gain an understanding of why this was the case. In particular, this study sought answers to the following questions:

  • Could WCS's poorer health status be explained purely in terms of socio-economic factors (poverty, deprivation etc.)?

  • Could comparisons of other health determinant information identify important differences between WCS and other regions?

The answers to these questions were sought through analyses of a range of routinely available administrative and survey data sets (the advantages and disadvantages of such an approach are discussed below). The full range of analyses have been published online21, 22, 23, 24, 25; in this paper, the analyses have been limited to an overview in an attempt to outline the main findings of the research in a digestible format. This has been done with a particular focus on WCS, but it is suggested that the data set that has been created is of relevance to many other de-industrialized regions of Europe.

Section snippets

Overview

Previous analyses20 compared levels of de-industrialization back to the early 1970s, and (where possible) trends in mortality back to the mid-1970s. An ideal investigation of risk factors and health determinants in the relevant populations would, therefore, be based on a single longitudinal cohort study of individuals based in the post-industrial regions of interest, and spanning at least five decades. No such study exists. The alternative approach was to use other available data sources.

A

Results

As Table 2 shows, around 50 indicators were collected and analysed for all the regions of interest. In addition, a huge range of additional analyses (using different, or differently defined, indicators, and including subregional analyses where possible) were undertaken for the four separate ‘case study’ regions. Of the indicators shown in Table 2, Fig. 1 presents a subset of 30 key indicators in an attempt to summarize the extent to which WCS is similar to, or different from, the other

Strengths and weaknesses of this study

There are clearly a considerable number of limitations to this study. Any epidemiological approach based on analyses of diverse sources of routine administrative and survey data is problematic. The amount of information available is limited (and sometimes requires the use of alternative geographical selections). The issue of comparability is crucial. Furthermore, cultural and social context changes the meaning of some data.k

Acknowledgements

Grateful thanks are due to a large number of organizations and individuals in various countries who assisted in this project through the provision of data and/or advice. The authors would like to express their sincere gratitude to all those listed below.

Aside from fellow authors, thanks are due to other individuals from the main ‘case study’ regions who assisted in this research: Mr. Olivier Lacoste and colleagues, Observatoire Régional de la Santé, Nord-Pas-de-Calais, France; Professor Martin

References (37)

  • Scottish Executive

    Social justice…a Scotland where everyone matters

    (2000)
  • Scottish Council Foundation

    The Scottish effect?

    (1998)
  • G. McCartney et al.

    Has Scotland always been the ‘sick man’ of Europe?. An observational study from 1855 to 2006

    Eur J Public Health

    (2012)
  • P. Hanlon et al.

    Let Glasgow flourish

    (2006)
  • A.H. Leyland et al.

    Inequalities in mortality in Scotland 1981–2001

    (2007)
  • ScotPHO

    Scottish health and well-being profiles 2010

    (2010)
  • P. Hanlon et al.

    Why is mortality higher in Scotland than in England & Wales? Decreasing influence of socioeconomic deprivation between 1981 and 2001 supports the existence of a ‘Scottish effect’

    J Public Health

    (2005)
  • R. Mitchell et al.

    High rates of ischaemic heart disease in Scotland are not explained by conventional risk factors

    J Epidemiol Community Health

    (2005)
  • Cited by (6)

    • Spatial and temporal inequalities in mortality in the USA, 1968–2016

      2021, Health and Place
      Citation Excerpt :

      For example, within the UK, studies have shown that the extent to which the high mortality observed in Scotland (and especially in its largest city, Glasgow) is attributable to poverty, deprivation and socioeconomic position has changed markedly over time (Schofield et al., 2016). Similarly, the mortality experiences of the most deindustrialised European regions have varied considerably, with less rapid improvements in countries with a more market-orientated approach to the economy (such as the UK) (Walsh et al., 2010; Taulbut et al., 2014; Taulbut et al., 2013). These studies suggest an important role of policy, and in particular neoliberalism, in the formulation of this type of unexplained excess mortality (Collins and McCartney, 2011; Daniels, 2014).

    • Monitoring income-related health differences between regions in Great Britain: A new measure for ordinal health data

      2017, Social Science and Medicine
      Citation Excerpt :

      Improvements in health over recent decades have not generally been matched by reductions in health inequalities between regions, both within and across countries. In Great Britain, for example, there has been a long-running debate (see Taulbut et al., 2013) about why health outcomes have been persistently worse in Scotland than in England and Wales even after controlling for differences in levels of social deprivation – the so-called ‘Scottish’ or ‘Glasgow’ effect. The ongoing impact of the financial crisis in 2008 has also renewed concerns about health differences between English regions, leading Public Health England to commission an independent inquiry on health equity for the less prosperous North of the country (see Whitehead, 2014).

    View full text